Tag: viktor orban

  • Hungarians rally again against ‘slave laws’

    A protester holds a burning flare in Budapest, Hungary. Photo: 16 December 2018 Image copyright Reuters Image caption Sunday’s protest was the largest since the new regulations have been adopted remaining week

    About 10,000 folks have rallied in Hungary’s capital Budapest in opposition to new labour laws, that have been labelled “slave” law by way of warring parties.

    The crowds marched against parliament and the state TELEVISION headquarters, in what was the fourth and biggest protest because the laws have been handed last week.

    Police fired tear fuel to disperse protesters close to the television station.

    New regulations imply companies can call for as much as 400 hours of overtime a yr and lengthen cost for it for three years.

    The government of Top Minister Viktor Orban says the labour reform will receive advantages workers to boot as firms who wish to fill a labour scarcity.

    Image copyright Reuters Symbol caption Police used tear fuel to disperse demonstrators outdoor the state TELEVISION headquarters

    the event was dubbed “Satisfied Yule Prime Minister”. Mr Orban is seen by way of his warring parties as changing into an increasing number of authoritarian.

    The high minister denies the declare.

    His governing Fidesz birthday celebration has said the protests are the work of foreign mercenaries paid by Hungarian-born US billionaire George Soros.

    Mr Soros has denied the accusations as lies aimed toward creating a fake external enemy for the Hungarian authorities.

  • Understanding ‘illiberal democracy’ and the fight for the West

    Western leftists likes to mock Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban when he infamously said that Hungary would pursue an “illiberal democracy” in opposition to Western European social democracy &mdas

    ANALYSIS/OPINION:

    Western leftists likes to mock Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban when he infamously said that Hungary would pursue an “illiberal democracy” in opposition to Western European social democracy — which might more accurately be labeled as intolerant socialism. If one wants to be intellectually rigorous (not a virtue common among liberals), it’s necessary to dig deeper into Mr. Orban’s concept to see what he is actually talking about.

    The big beef that Hungary and other Central European nations have with European liberal democracies is that they are not liberal at all. They are totalitarian, especially if you do not share their views. Just ask Tommy Robinson, the right-wing activist sent to jail essentially for espousing his beliefs in public in the United Kingdom.

    The unelected leaders and bureaucrats within the European Union have taken it upon themselves to inflict their view of the world upon the continent and beyond. It’s a culturally Marxist agenda, one that threatens the very existence of nations as sovereign entities in Europe.

    This agenda includes the destruction of Europe’s Christian past; the welcoming of millions of migrants from North Africa and the Middle East who lack a common cultural heritage with Europe; the demonization of Israel; the suppression of free speech and freedom on the internet if they threaten liberal pieties; and the unconditional erasure of national borders and local control.

    This is not “liberalism” in any classic sense. It is much more accurately defined as elite control and supernationalist totalitarianism.

    The small countries of Central Europe, known as the Visegrad nations, have had enough. Of course they do not want this future for their children. Who would?

    When Mr. Orban and the Poland’s ruling Law and Justice Party talk of “illiberal democracy,” they are attacking the dangerous, undemocratic agenda of the George Soros-backed EU crowd who want to destroy the nations of Europe. Christian Central Europeans don’t want to be overrun and will not be bullied by Brussels. They will not be bought off with EU money.

    Luckily for Europe, this rejectionist viewpoint is starting to spread, as nations like Italy and Austria are also questioning the internationalist dogma and have recently elected right-of-center nationalist governments.

    Leftists try to dismiss any opposition to their agenda and narrative with epithets such as “far-right,” “Nazi” or “extremist.” But ordinary people are starting to see through this charade, and the name-calling doesn’t really work anymore.

    The NGOs that Hungary kicked out of the country were of course engaged in political agitation. These groups were enabling the migrant crisis into Europe for a reason. They did not care about these so-called “refugees.” They cared only for the undermining of European society as it once existed. It is the same agenda we see playing out in the United States, with President Trump’s critics pushing for unlimited immigration, open borders and giving the vote to illegal aliens.

    Those on the left know they cannot win elections on a sustainable basis with such an agenda. So, instead of trying to win over voters, they try to change the make-up of who gets to vote. Presto! Promise the migrants everything in exchange for the vote, while those evil white men will pay for everything.

    As Mr. Orban put it shortly after winning a third term in office this year, “We have replaced a shipwrecked liberal democracy with a 21st-century Christian democracy, which guarantees people’s freedom, security. … It supports the traditional family model of one man and one woman, keeps anti-Semitism at bay, and gives a chance for growth.”

    It is Mr. Orban’s critics who are being dishonest about their “progressive” agenda in Europe and what lies behind their definition of liberal democracy. I don’t support everything that Mr. Orban and some of his nationalist allies have done to restrict press freedom and the like, but as the saying goes, let those without sin cast the first stone. Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic are fighting the good fight against the leviathan of European socialism. They are trying to save their peoples from the destructive policies of Brussels.

    That may be liberal or illiberal, but the conversation in the media on the debate and the stakes could use a whole lot more honesty.

    L. Todd Wood is a former special operations helicopter pilot and Wall Street debt trader, and has contributed to Fox Business, The Moscow Times, National Review, The New York Post and many other publications. He can be reached at LToddWood.com.

  • What sanctions can the EU impose on Hungary?

    Opposition protest in Budapest Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Opposition protesters take to the streets after elections in Hungary

    The European Parliament has voted to pursue disciplinary action against Hungary under Article 7 of the European Union treaty.

    The right-wing Hungarian government has been accused of attacks on the media, minorities and the rule of law – charges denied by Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

    Article 7 is designed to protect the European Union’s fundamental values.

    It sets out ways various EU bodies can act if they believe those values are at risk, or have been seriously breached.

    These values are founded on respect for:

    It highlighted concerns about freedom of expression, academic freedom, judicial independence, the electoral system and the treatment of minorities as well as asylum seekers and refugees.

    It described the country as being “at clear risk of a serious breach of EU values” and called for a full parliamentary vote on the matter.

    The only other occasion the EU has formally resorted to Article 7 is over Poland, where there’s been an ongoing dispute with its authorities over judicial reforms – but there has been no parliamentary vote on the issue.

    EU votes for disciplinary action against Hungary In depth – Viktor Orban’s Hungary Nationalism in heart of Europe needles EU

    The EU had voiced concern about the independence of the courts following Polish government moves to change or remove judges.

    It was the executive, the EU Commission, which decided to act in that case, invoking Article 7 in December 2017 after concluding that there was “a clear risk of a serious breach of the rule of law in Poland”.

    The arguments with Poland are continuing.

    Image copyright EPA Image caption There’s been concern about changes to the judiciary in Poland

    Preventative action

    It’s important to make clear that Article 7 is a process rather than an end in itself.

    And the process is divided into separate parts, with one not necessarily dependent on the other.

    Under the preventative mechanism, the commission, the European Council or the Parliament can start the Article 7 process to determine whether there is a “clear risk of a serious breach of EU values”.

    The parliament has to agree by two-thirds of those MEPs who take part in the vote, which must also be an absolute majority of all MEPs, to start the process.

    It then goes to the EU Council – the heads of government of the member states.

    The council must agree by a four-fifths majority that there is a risk of breaching EU values (and then recommend specific actions to be taken by the country concerned).

    European Parliament sources say there is no particular timeframe for this process – and that, in theory, the council could do nothing and simply ignore the vote by the parliament.

    Sanctions

    Under the sanctions mechanism enshrined in Article 7, only the council or the commission can trigger the process.

    The council then has to decide unanimously that “a serious and persistent breach of EU values has taken place”.

    It has to also get the agreement of two-thirds of the parliament to this.

    Once that has been done, the council has the power to suspend some of the country’s membership rights – such as voting rights in the council itself.

    However, it is not clear what other rights can be suspended.

    And the council can only take this ultimate step by a qualified majority amounting to 72% of member states.

    At the moment, this is not the course of action being proposed in the case of Hungary, although in theory that route remains open to the EU at a later stage.

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  • EU votes for disciplinary action against Hungary

    Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban places his hand on his head in an emotive gesture Image copyright AFP Image caption Vicktor Orban launched an impassioned defence of his country on Tuesday – but it was not enough

    The European Parliament has voted to pursue unprecedented disciplinary action against Hungary over alleged breaches of the EU’s core values.

    Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government has been accused of attacks on the media, minorities, and the rule of law – charges which he denies.

    MEPs backed the vote by 448 to 197, giving it the two-thirds required for proceedings to go ahead.

    If also approved by national leaders, Hungary could face disciplinary action.

    Wednesday’s vote is the first time the European Parliament has voted to take such action against a member state under EU rules.

    Measures could include suspension of the country’s voting rights in Europe or other sanctions.

    Mr Orban personally spoke to the parliament on Tuesday in defence of his country, labelling the threat of censure as a form of “blackmail” and an insult to Hungary.

    He claimed a report by Dutch MEP Judith Sargentini was an “abuse of power”, and included “serious factual misrepresentations”.

    In depth – Viktor Orban’s Hungary Nationalism in heart of Europe needles EU

    Since coming to power, Mr Orban’s government has taken a hardline stance against immigration. It introduced a law which made it a criminal offence for lawyers and activists to aid asylum seekers, under the banner of “facilitating illegal immigration”.

    Ms Sargentini’s report into Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party alleged such actions were “a clear breach of the values of our union”.

    Under an EU rule called Article 7, breaching the union’s founding principles can lead to suspending a member state’s rights as a punitive measure.

    Suspension of Hungary’s voting rights is the most serious possible consequence – but is considered unlikely, as Poland’s nationalist government may support Hungary.

    Poland is itself facing disciplinary proceedings, launched by the European Commission in December last year. The case has yet to reach the European Parliament.

    The decision on Hungary will now be referred to the the EU’s 28 member states to consider.